Rabu, 13 Oktober 2010

Membuka Pintu Rezeki dengan Shalat Dhuha


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Bagaimana agar rezeki kita dimudahkan? Adakah ibadah membantu kita untuk memperlancar datangnya rezeki? Ada dan shalat dhuha adalah jawabannya. Shalat dhuha adalah ibadah shalat yang dianjurkan oleh Allah dan Rasul-Nya. Shalat sunnat ini yang dilakukan seorang muslim saat waktu dhuha.Waktu dhuha tiba saat matahari mulai naik, kira-kira tujuh hasta sejak terbitnya. Atau sekitar pukul tujuh pagi hingga waktu dzuhur. Jumlah raka''''at shalat dhuha, dari dua hingga duabelas raka''''at.Meskipun bernilai sunnah, shalat ini mengandung manfaat yang sangat besar bagi umat Islam. Rasulullah bersabda di dalam Hadists Qudsi,“Allah SWT berfirman, “Wahai anak Adam, jangan sekali-kali engkau malas mengerjakan empat rakaat shalat dhuha, karena dengan shalat tersebut, Aku cukupkan kebutuhanmu pada sore harinya.” (HR Hakim dan Thabrani)Dalam hadist yang lain dikatakan,“Barangsiapa yang masih berdiam diri di mesjid atau tempat shalatny setelah shubuh karena melakukan I’tikaf, berzikir, dan melakukan dua rakaat shalat dhuha disertai tidak berkata sesuatu kecuali kebaikan, maka dosa-dosanya akan diampuni meskipun bnyaknya melebihi buih di lautan.” (HR. Abu Daud)"Dalam tubuh manusia itu ada 360 ruas tulang. Ia harus disedekahkan untuk setiap ruas itu." Para shahabat bertanya, "Siapa yang kuat melaksanakan itu, ya Rasulullah? Beliau menjawab, "Dahak yang di masjid itu lalu ditutupinya dengan tanah, atau menyingkirkan sesuatu gangguan dari tengah jalan itu berarti sedekah. Atau, sekiranya tidak dapat melakukan itu, cukuplah diganti dengan mengerjakan dua rakaat shalat dhuha." (HR. Ahmad dan Abu Daud)Shalat-shalat sunah sangat dianjurkan. Karena ada faedah yang terkandung di dalamnya. Salah satunya untuk membuka pintu-pintu rezeki dan keberkahannya. Di antara shalat sunah tersebut adalah shalat dhuha.Hadits Rasulullah SAW terkait shalat dhuha antara lain :"Siapapun yang melaksanakan shalat dhuha dengan langgeng, akan diampuni dosanya oleh Allah, sekalipun dosa itu sebanyak busa lautan." (H.R Turmudzi)Selengkapnya tabir emas dibalik shalat dhuha, dapat Anda baca dalam buku Keajaiban Shalat Dhuha. Buku berpengantar Dr. K.H. Muslih Abd. Karim, MA ini ditulis Muhammad Abu Ayyas. Buku berjumlah halaman 140 ini, pun menjelaskan cara mudah mencari rezeki. Dalam buku ini mengandung pesan: sebab rezeki hak semua orang dan kemiskinan mendekati kekufuran, maka ibadah dan usaha adalah jawabannya.Dengan mengenal keutamaan dan keajaiban shalat dhuha, maka kaum muslim akan lebih tergerak untuk merawat shalat sunah ini. Dan temukan manfaat dari buku Keajaiban Shalat Dhuha yang diterbitkan oleh QultumMedia.
source (http://id.shvoong.com/books/1772176-membuka-pintu-rezeki-dengan-shalat/)

Minggu, 24 Januari 2010

Anti Patriarki

Patriarki menurut Kamla Bhasin adalah sistem yang selama ini meletakan kaum perempuan terdominasi dan tersubordinasi (patriarki). 
Hubungan antara perempuan dan laki-laki bersifat Hierarkis : yakni laki-laki berada pada kedudukan dominan sedangkan perempuan sub-ordinat, (laki-laki menentukan, perempuan ditentukan)
Perempuan di dalam sektor tenaga kerja : Laki-laki mengontrol produktivitas perempuan di dalam dan di luar rumah tangga, dalam kerja bayaran.
Dalam sektor agama, jelas2 perempuan banyak dirugikan oleh aturan2 agama misalnya : Di gereja katolik, hierarki keagamaan laki-laki memutuskan apakah laki-laki dan perempuan bisa mengunakan metode-metode kontrol kelahiran, metode mana yang di perbolehkan, apakah perempuan bisa menggugurkan kandungan yang tidak di kehendaki. Di konsep Muslim, wanita walau telah diangkat derajatnya, sampai surga di bawah telapak kaki wanita, tapi dalam kenyataannya mereka telah ditipu mentah2 dengan interpretasi2 agama yang palsu (yang tentu saja oleh kaum laki2, semua imam fikih adalah laki2). Dalam agama Hindu, bahkan ada aturan kalau sang suami meninggal dunia, sang istripun harus ikut membakarkan diri bersama suaminya.
Ideologi ini dianggap merupakan salah satu dari basis penindasan perempuan karena ;
*Menciptakan watak feminim dan maskulin yang melestarikan patriarki,
*Menciptakan dan memperkuat pembatas antara privat dan publik,
*Membatasi gerak dan perkembangan perempuan serta memproduksi dominasi kaum laki-laki.
Kontrol atas seksualitas perempuan.
Perempuan diwajibkan untuk memberikan pelayanan seksual kepada laki-laki sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan keinginan si laki-laki. Sebuah analisis feminis radikal mengatakan bahwa perempuan di bawah patriarki tidak hanya menjadi ibu, tetapi juga budak seks, dan ideologi patriakal mempertentangkan perempuan sebagai mahluk seksual dengan perempuan sebagai ibu. Menurut analisis ini, perkosaan tidak ada disemua masyarakat tetapi merupakan ciri patriarki. perkosaan di pandang sebagai peralatan politik yang efektif. Penindasan yang dilakukan oleh orang-orang yang berkuasa terhadap orang-orang yang tidak berkuasa.
Kontrol Atas Gerak Perempuan :
Perempuan dianggap sebagai subordinat dalam keluarga, kewajiban mencari nafkah terletak pada pihak suami. Dan ini menciptakan power gap dalam keluarga, karena suami akan memiliki hak lebih banyak karena dia adalah penghidupan keluarga.
Perempuan merupakan pengurus rumah tangga, sehingga sedikit waktu yang dicurahkan untuk meningkatkan daya pikir dan wawasan, yang berakibat tentunya sumber daya perempuan sendiri yang termarginalisasi.

 Akankah perempuan akan diam saja atas hegemoni laki2? Jawabnya tidak, karena laki2 yang sadar pun tak akan membiarkannya. Perlu revolusi pemikiran dari seluruh komponen masyarakat yang intinya menembus tembok-tembok yang telah diciptakan dan dilegalisasikan oleh jaman manusia.
Jika hari ini wanita2 di beberapa belahan dunia telah merasakannya, tugas kita adalah menjalari setiap darah wanita di dunia ini dengan kebebasan dan kesetaraan. Kita adalah sama, secara fisik dan psikis mungkin laki2 dan wanita berbeda tapi itu bukan alasan sama sekali untuk membeda2-kannya.
selengkapnya lihat di http://amienstein.tripod.com/id83.html

Patriarki, Peradaban, dan Asal Usul Gender

Oleh: John Zerzan
Pada dasarnya, peradaban, merupakan sejarah dominasi terhadap alam dan perempuan. Patriarki berarti penguasaan terhadap perempuan dan alam. Apakah kedua institusi ini merupakan sinonim?
Filsafat telah meninggalkan alam penderitaan yang luas ketika jalannya yang panjang, dalam pembagi-bagian divisi kerja, perlahan-lahan mulai terbuka. Hélène Cixous menyebut sejarah filsafat sebagai suatu “rantai ayah-ayah.” Perempuan, seperti halnya penderitaan, selalu absen dari hal tersebut, dan tentunya (mereka: penderitaan dan perempuan) adalah saudara dekat.
Seperti Camille Paglia, seorang pemikir anti-feminis, ketika ia merenungi peradaban dan perempuan:
“Ketika Aku melihat seekor burung bangau besar melewati sebuah truk panjang, sejenak Aku terdiam dan tertunduk, seperti yang akan dilakukan orang-orang ketika sedang berada dalam ibadah gereja. Konsepsi kekuatan macam apa: kebesaran macam apa: yang dihubungkan oleh bangau-bangau ini dengan peradaban Mesir kuno, ketika arsitektur monumental pertama kali dibayangkan dan dicapai. Apabila peradaban diserahkan ke tangan perempuan, mestilah kita masih tinggal di dalam gubuk-gubuk  jerami.” (1)

“Kejayaan” peradaban dan bagaimana hal tersebut tidak menarik bagi perempuan. Bagi sebagian dari kita “gubuk-gubuk jerami” mewakili acuan untuk tidak mengambil jalan yang salah, yaitu penindasan dan pengrusakan. Di dalam kemajuan peradaban teknologi global yang mengarah pada kehancuran dan kematian, andai saja kita masih tinggal di dalam gubuk-gubuk jerami!
Perempuan dan alam secara universal telah dihilangkan nilainya oleh paradigma dominan dan siapa yang tak melihat pertanda-tanda dari ini? Ursula Le Guin memberikan kita koreksi yang tepat dari ketidakpercayaan Paglia akan keduanya (perempuan dan alam):
“Manusia beradab berkata: Aku adalah diri, Aku adalah tuan, segala sesuatu diluar dari Aku adalah yang lain—berada di luar, di bawah, tak terlihat, bawahan. Aku memiliki, Aku menggunakan, Aku mengeksplorasi, Aku mengeksploitasi, Aku mengontrol. Apa yang kulakukan adalah yang penting.  Apa yang Aku inginkan adalah alasan mengapa semua ini ada. Aku adalah Aku, dan selain dari itu adalah keperempuanan dan keliaran yang, harus digunakan sesuai kemauanku.” (2)
Banyak orang percaya bahwa peradaban mula-mula itu matriarkal. Namun tak seorangpun ahli antropologi atau arkeologi, termasuk feminis, menemukan bukti dari asumsi tersebut. “Pencarian akan sebuah budaya egalitarian asli yang, taruhlah matriarkal, tak pernah membuahkan hasil,” terang Sherry Ortner. (3)
Meskipun demikian, memang ada masanya, sebelum budaya lelaki menjadi sesuatu yang universal, ketika perempuan secara garis besar tidak selalu berada di bawah pria. Sejak 1970an antropolog semacam Adrienne Zihlman, Nancy tanner dan Frances Dahlberg (4) membenarkan stereotip mula-mula era prasejarah di mana ”Lelaki adalah sang pemburu” dan ”Perempuan adalah sang peramu.” Kuncinya di sini adalah data bahwa secara garis besar, komunitas-komunitas pra-agrikultur memperoleh 80 persen kebutuhan makan dari mengumpul (mengumpulkan makanan) dan 20 persen dari berburu. Sangat  mungkin untuk mencurigai pemisahan antara berkumpul/berburu dan mengabaikan bahwa komunitas-komunitas tersebut, dalam tingkatan-tingkatan signifikan, dapat membuktikan bahwa perempuan yang berburu dan pria yang meramu (5). Namun otonomi perempuan di dalam masyarakat semacam ini mengacu pada fakta, melalui penilaian pola aktivitas mereka, bahwa sumberdaya untuk hidup bagi perempuan cukup setara dengan pria.
Dalam konteks etos-etos egalitarian kelompok pemburu (hunter gatherer) atau peramu makanan (foraging society), ahli-ahli antropologi seperti Eleanor Leacock, Patricia Draper dan Mina Caufield telah menjelaskan, secara garis besar, terdapat bukti adanya hubungan setara antara perempuan dan pria (6). Di dalam tatanan masyarakat semacam itu ketika seseorang memperoleh sesuatu Ia pula yang akan membagikannya dan ketika perempuan memperoleh 80 persen makanan, maka mereka jugalah yang menentukan aturan bagi gerak kelompok serta lokasi-lokasi untuk menetap. Serupa dengan adanya bukti bahwa perempuan dan pria yang membuat alat-alat dari batu yang digunakan oleh masyarakat-masyarak at pra-agrikultur. (7)
Dalam komunitas-komunitas matriarkal Pueblo, Iroquois, Crow dan kelompok-kelompok Indian Amerika lainnya, perempuan dapat memutuskan tali perkawinan kapan saja. Secara garis besar, pria dan perempuan di dalam masyarakat semacam ini lebih leluasa bergerak dengan bebas dan damai dari satu kelompok ke kelompok lainnya, seperti halnya juga ketika mereka berada di dalam atau di luar suatu hubungan. (8) Menurut Rosalind Miles, pria tidak hanya tidak memerintah ataupun mengeksploitasi perempuan, “mereka memiliki sedikit atau sama sekali tidak memiliki kendali atas tubuh perempuan maupun anak-anak mereka, sehingga tidak ada yang namanya penyakralan akan suatu keperawanan atau kesucian, dan (kaum lelaki) tidak menuntut apapun dari eksklusivitas aktivitas seksual perempuan.” (9) Zubaeeda Banu Quraishy memberikan satu contoh dari Afrika: “Hubungan-hubungan gender suku Mbuti dikarakteristikan oleh harmoni dan kerjasama.” (10)
Seseorang akan berpikir, benarkah situasinya semenyenangkan itu? Melihat terjadinya penghapusan makna keperempuanan yang beragam bentuknya namun tidak secara esensi, pertanyaan bahwa kapan dan bagaimana, cukup jelas berkata sebaliknya. Terdapat sebuah pemisahan mendasar eksistensi sosial menurut gender, serta hirarki dari pemisahan tersebut. Bagi filosof Jane Flax, dualisme yang paling mapan, termasuk pemisahan subyek-obyek serta tubuh-pikiran, merupakan suatu refleksi dari perpecahan gender. (11)
Gender tidaklah serupa dengan pemisahan kealamian/fisiologi s menurut jenis kelamin. Ia adalah suatu kategorisasi kultural dan tingkatan yang bersandar pada sebuah pembagian divisi kerja menurut jenis kelamin yang, bisa jadi merupakan bentuk tunggal kultural yang terpenting. Apabila gender membawa dan melegitimasi ketidaksetaraan serta dominasi, apa yang penting untuk dipertanyakan? Jadi dalam pengertian asal-usulnya— serta dalam pengertian masa depan kita—pertanyaan mengenai masyarakat manusia tanpa gender yang menjadi pertanyaannya.
Kita semua mengerti bahwa pembagian divisi kerja memperlebar jalan terciptanya domestikasi dan peradaban yang menjadi penggerak sistem dominasi global sekarang ini. Juga terlihat bahwa bentukan-bentukan pembagian divisi kerja menurut jenis kelamin merupakan bentuknya yang paling awal dan juga, sebagai efeknya, membentuk formasi gender.
Saling berbagi makanan telah lama diketahui sebagai suatu capaian terbaik dari cara hidup meramu bahan makanan (foraging society). Sama halnya dengan membagi-bagi kewajiban untuk merawat keturunan yang masih dapat dilihat dari sisa-sisa masyarakat semacam itu, dan pola semacam ini cukuplah berbeda dengan kehidupan keluarga dalam peradaban (“yang beradab”) yang terisolasi dan terprivatisasi. Keluarga tidak dipandang sebagai suatu institusi yang abadi, begitupula dengan peran ibu yang sekarang ini dimaknai sebagai suatu hal yang tak terhindarkan dari evolusi manusia.
Masyarakat terintegrasikan melalui pembagian divisi kerja dan keluarga melalui pembagian divisi kerja menurut jenis kelamin. Kebutuhan untuk integrasi memperlihatkan sebuah tegangan, sebuah keterpisahan yang mengundang suatu dasaran kohesi atau solidaritas. Dalam pengertian ini, anggapan Testart cukup tepat: ”hal yang inheren di dalam hubungan kekerabatan adalah hirarki.” (13) Dengan berdasar pada pembagian divisi kerja, hubungan di dalam keluarga menjadi hubungan produksi. ”Gender adalah sesuatu yang inheren di dalam sifat alami hubungan keluarga,” seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Cucchiari, ”yang tak dapat eksis tanpanya.” Di dalam wilayah inilah akar dari dominasi terhadap alam dan perempuan dapat dieskplorasi.
Seperti yang telah diketahui, suku-suku peramu makanan di dalam masyarakat semacam itu membuka jalan bagi peran-peran yang terspesialisasi, struktur hubungan kekerabatan membentuk infrastruktur hubungan yang akan berkembang menuju ketidaksetaraan dan pembeda-bedaan kekuatan. Lumrahnya perempuan menjadi pasif akibat suatu peran khusus menjaga anak; pola semacam ini selanjutnya semakin berkembang melampui kriteria-kriteria yang tadinya terbentuk sebagai peran gender. Pemisahan dan pembagian divisi kerja menurut gender ini mulai hadir selama transisi dari era Pertengahan sampai era Paleolitikum Lanjut. (15)
Gender dan sistem hubungan kekerabatan merupakan konstruksi kultural yang di bentuk berdasarkan dan bertentangan dengan subyek-subyek biologis yang, menurut Juliet Mitchell, melibatkan “lebih dari apapun sebuah organisasi simbolik dari perilaku.” (16) Seperti yang telah eksis di dalam masyarakat berbasis gender, mungkin akan lebih menjelaskan apabila melihat langsung pada budaya simbolik itu sendiri, dengan melihat “kebutuhan untuk memediasi secara simbolis suatu pendikotomian kosmos yang hebat.” (17) Pertanyaan siapa-yang-lebih- dulu-muncul, datang dengan sendirinya dan sulit untuk diketahui. Kendati demikian, cukup jelas bahwa tak ada pembuktian aktivitas-aktivitas simbolik (seperti misalnya yang terdapat di dalam lukisan-lukisan goa) sebelum sistem gender, yang didasari pembagian divisi kerja menurut jenis kelamin, terlihat berlangsung di era tersebut. (18)
Memasuki era Paleolitikum Lanjut, yang merupakan awalan dari Revolusi era Neolitikum di mana terbentuknya peradaban dan domestikasi, revolusi gender telah mencapai masanya. Tanda-tanda maskulin dan feminim mulai hadir sekitar 35,000 tahun lalu di dalam seni-seni goa. Kesadaran gender bangkit sebagai pencapaian keseluruhan dualitas, suatu spektral dari masyarakat yang terpilah-pilah. Di dalam suatu polarisasi aktivitas baru ini, aktivitas menjadi berorientasi dan terdefinisikan oleh gender. Peran pemburu, misalnya, berkembang menjadi sesuatu yang kelaki-lakian, kriteria-kriteriany a terkhususkan pada gender pria sebagai suatu sifat yang diinginkan.
Ketika telah menjadi sangat menyatu atau menyeluruh, aktivitas semacam kelompok-kelompok peramu makanan dan tanggung jawab komunal untuk merawat anak, sekarang ini menjadi bidang-bidang yang terpisah di mana kecemburuan seksual dan kepemilikan (posesif) mulai hadir. Di saat yang bersamaan, hal-hal simbolis muncul sebagai suatu bidang ataupun realitas yang terpisah. Bukti-bukti ini bisa dilihat dalam praktik-praktik seni dan ritual. Sangatlah beresiko untuk mengandaikan masa lalu yang jauh menggunakan titik berangkat masa sekarang, meskipun budaya-budaya non-industrial yang masih tersisa dapat menunjukan titik terang. Suku Bimin-Kushumin Papua Nugini, misalnya, mengalami pemisahan maskulin dan feminim sebagai sesuatu yang mendasar dan menegaskan. ”Esensi” maskulin, yang diistilahkan sebagai finiik, tidak hanya melambangkan kualitas-kualitas kekuatan ala ksatria perang, tapi juga berhubungan dengan ritual dan kontrol. ”Esensi” feminim, atau khaapkhabuurien, adalah sesuatu yang liar, impulsif, sensual, dan acuh pada ritual. Sama halnya dengan Mansi di daerah barat-daya Siberia yang memberlakukan aturan-aturan keras pada keterlibatan perempuan di dalam praktik-praktik ritual. (20) Dengan bukti suku-suku seperti ini, bukanlah hal yang berlebihan untuk mengatakan bahwa peran ritual merupakan sesuatu yang menentukan bagi subordinasi perempuan. (21) Gayle Rubin menyimpulkan bahwa ”kekalahan universal perempuan secara historis hadir melalui asal-usul budaya dan merupakan prasyarat dari terjadinya budaya.” (22)
Kebangkitan bersamaan budaya simbolis dan kehidupan gender bukanlah suatu kejadian yang kebetulan. Kedua-duanya melibatkan suatu perubahan mendasar dari kehidupan yang tadinya tidak terpilah-pilah dan non-hirarkis. Logika perkembangan dan perluasan kedua hal tersebut merupakan sebuah respon dari tegangan-tegangan dan ketidaksetaraan yang mereka ciptakan; keduanya saling-terhubung secara dialektis dengan awal-mula pemisahan divisi kerja yang artifisial.
Secara cukup relatif, Lompatan Besar Menuju era agrikultur dan peradaban mulai hadir ketika terjadinya alterasi gender atau budaya simbolik. Ini merupakan era yang menentukan bagi istilah ”berdiri diatas alam”, dengan mulai mengenyampingkan keharmonisan dan kecerdasan non dominatif dengan alam. Perubahan ini cukup menentukan bagi konsolidasi dan intensifikasi pembagian divisi kerja. Meillasoux mengingatkan kita tentang permulaannya:
Alam sama sekali tidak menjelaskan mengenai pembagian divisi kerja menurut jenis kelamin, tidak pula dengan institusi semacam pernikahan, keterikatan suami-istri, maupun paternalitas. Semuanya dipaksakan kepada perempuan, maka dari itu semua ini haruslah dijelaskan melalui peradaban, bukan malah menggunakannya untuk menjelaskan secara sebaliknya. (23)
Kelkar dan Nathan, misalnya, tidak banyak menemukan bukti adanya spesialisasi gender pada suku-suku kelompok pemburu di India bagian barat, apabila dibandingkan dengan kondisi masyarakat agrikultur disana. (24) Transisi dari cara-cara mengumpulkan makanan menuju pada produksi makanan mengarah pada perubahan-perubahan radikal di dalam masyarakat di mana saja. Cukuplah menjelaskan, apabila mencermati contoh yang mendekati jaman sekarang, bahwa suku Muskogee di Amerika Tenggara yang menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai intrinsik dari hutan yang belum terjamah, dan terdomestikasi; dijajah oleh kaum kolonial dan menggantikan tradisi Muskogee yang matrilineal dengan hubungan patrilineal. (25)
Tempat terjadinya transformasi dari gaya hidup alami (liar) menuju yang berbudaya adalah ketika manusia mulai berdomisili secara tetap, sebagaimana perempuan mulai terbatasi horison-horisonnya. Domestikasi berangkat dari sini (juga secara etimologi, yang latinnya domus, atau rumah tangga): kerja-kerja membosankan- -yang tidak sesulit seperti meramu bahan makanan–, reproduksi berlebihan, dan pengharapan hidup yang lebih rendah daripada kaum pria. Indikasi-indikasi ini hadir di dalam masyarakat agrikultur sebagai peran perempuan. (26) Dari sini dikotomi yang lain lagi muncul, pembedaan antara kerja dan non-kerja, sesuatu yang bagi banyak generasi tidak pernah eksis. Melalui produksi gender ini beserta perluasannya yang konstan, mulai berkembanglah fondasi-fondasi budaya dan mentalitas kita.
Setelah dibatas-batasi seperti ini, perempuan, meski belum sepenuhnya dipasifkan, mulai didefinisikan sebagai pasif. Seperti halnya alam, sebagai nilai yang dijadikan sumber untuk diproduksi; yang menunggu penyuburan dan pengaktivan dari luar tubuhnya. Perempuan mengalami pelepasan otonomi dan kesetaraan yang relatif di dalam suku-suku kecil yang bersifat nomadik dan anarkik menjadi kediaman-kediaman yang besar, kompleks, dan dikontrol.
Mitologi dan agama, sebagai kompensasi-kompensa si dari masyarakat yang terpilah-pilah, bersaksi atas direduksinya posisi perempuan. Dalam cerita Yunani versi Homer, tanah kosong (yang belum didomestikasi oleh budaya bercocok-tanam) , kediaman Calypso asal Circa, Sirens yang menggoda Odysseus untuk meninggalkan kerja-kerja peradaban, dikategorikan sebagai feminin. Baik tanah dan perempuan, sekali lagi, menjadi subyek dominasi. Namun imperialisme semacam ini mengkhianati asal muasal rasa bersalah, sebagaimana hukuman bagi mereka yang berkaitan dengan domestikasi dan teknologi, di dalam dongeng-dongeng Promotheus dan Sisifus. Proyek-proyek agrikultur di banyak tempat, menjadi semacam pelanggaran; seperti halnya pemerkosaan di dalam cerita-cerita Demeter. Seiring lewatnya waktu dan kekalahan-kekalahan , hubungan-hubungan ibu dan anak perempuan di dalam mitos Yunani—seperti cerita-cerita Demeter-Kore, Clytemnestra- Iphigenia, Jocastra-Antigone, misalnya—mulai hilang.
Di dalam kitab Kejadian, bagian awal dari Alkitab, perempuan lahir dari rusuk pria. Pengusiran dari taman Eden mewakili kematian kehidupan berburu dan berkumpul, pemaksaan menuju agrikultur dan kerja-kerja keras. Tentunya, semua itu disalahkan pada Hawa, yang menjadi stigma dari pengusiran ini. (27) Cukup ironis memang, di dalam cerita tersebut domestikasi terasa seperti rasa takut dan penolakan terhadap sifat alami perempuan, sementara mitos Eden, dalam kenyataannya, justru menyalahkan korban utama dari skenarionya.
Agrikultur adalah penaklukan yang mengisi lahirnya formasi dan berkembangnya gender. Terlepas dari adanya figur-figur dewi-dewi, yang dijadikan sebagai lambang kesuburan, secara garis besar budaya Neolitikum sangatlah menjunjung tinggi kejantanan. Melalui dimensi-dimensi emosional maskulinisme, sebagaimana yang dilihat Cauvin, domestikasi hewan-hewan mestilah datang dari inisiatif kaum pria. (28) Semenjak itu pemisahan dan tekanan pada kekuasaan mulai hadir bersama kita; ekspansi daerah-daerah, misalnya, di mana energi pria menundukan sifat alami perempuan mulai diperluas.
Hal ini telah mencapai proporsinya yang dashyat, dan dari segala sisi kita diberitahu bahwa kita tidak dapat menghindari hubungan dengan teknologi yang sudah sangat menyeluruh. Namun patriarki, juga, ada di mana-mana, dan sekali lagi inferioritas alam dipertahankan. Untungnya, ”banyak kaum feminis”, menurut Carol Stabile, percaya bahwa “penolakan terhadap teknologi sangatlah identik dengan penolakan terhadap patriarki.” (29)
Ada kaum feminis lain yang mengklaim bahwa bagian dari sumber-sumber teknologi, mengakui adanya suatu “pelepasan dari tubuh” secara virtual, cyborg (organisme sibernetik) dan sejarah penaklukan gendernya. Namun titik berangkat semacam ini salah kaprah, suatu pelupaan akan keseluruhan angkutan dan logika menindas dari institusi yang menciptakan patriarki. Masa depan high-tech yang mengoyak tubuh ini hanya merupakan unsur dan jalan yang sama destruktifnya.
Menurut Freud, menganalisa orang menurut subyek gendernya merupakan sesuatu yang mendasar, baik secara kultural dan psikologis. Namun teori-teorinya mengasumsikan masa yang telah mengekspresikan subyektivitas gender, dan karenanya memicu banyak pertanyaan. Berbagai macam pertimbangan tetap tak terpetakan, seperti halnya gender sebagai suatu ekspresi relasi kekuasaan, dan fakta bahwa manusia datang di dunia sebagai mahkluk biseksual.
Carla Freeman memiliki pertanyaan yang berkaitan di dalam esainya yang berjudul, ‘Is Local: Global as Feminine: Masculine? Rethinking the Gender of Globalization” .(30)
Krisis umum modernitas berakar pada imposisi gender. Pemisahan dan ketidaksetaraan dimulai pada periode lahirnya budaya simbolik, yang pada tingkatan lanjutnya menjadi sesuatu yang menentukan seperti halnya dengan domestikasi dan peradaban: patriarki. Hirarki gender tidak dapat direformasikan seperti halnya sistem kelas atau globalisasi. Tanpa konsep pembebasan perempuan yang benar-benar radikal, kita akan terjebak di dalam pengecohan dan pengerudungan yang sekarang ini telah menjadi hasil yang menakutkan di manapun. Keseluruhan otentik ketiadaan gender mungkin bisa menjadi prasyarat bagi penyelamatan kita.
Catatan:
1. Camille Paglia, Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson (Yale University Press: New Haven, 1990), p. 38.
2. Ursula Le Guin, “Women/Wildness, ” Judith Plant, ed., Healing the Wounds (New Society: Philadelphia, 1989), Hal. 45.
3. Sherry B. Ortner, Making Gender: the Politics and Erotics of Culture (Beacon Press: Boston, 1996), Hal. 24. Lihat juga Cynthia Eller, The Myth of Matriarchal Prehistory: Why an Invented Past Won’t Give Women a Future (Beacon Press: Boston, 2000).
4. Sebagai contoh, Adrienne L. Zihlman dan Nancy Tanner, “Gathering and Hominid Adaptation,” dalam Lionel Tiger and Heather Fowler, eds., Female Hierarchies (Beresford: Chicago, 1978); Adrienne L. Zihlman, “Women in Evolution,” Signs 4 (1978); Frances Dahlberg, Woman the Gatherer (Yale University Press: New Haven, 1981); Elizabeth Fisher, Woman’s Creation: Sexual Evolution and the Shaping of Society (Anchor/ Doubleday: Garden City NY, 1979).
5. James Steele dan Stephan Shennan, eds., The Archaeology of Human Ancestry (Routledge: New York, 1995), hal. 349. Also, M. Kay Martin and Barbara Voorhies, Female of the Species (Columbia University Press: New York, 1975), hal 210-211.
6. Leacock merupakan salah satu yang paling ngotot di antara semuanya, dengan mengatakan bahwa apapun bentuk dari dominasi pria yang ada dalam masyarakat tersebut yang bertahan, disebabkan oleh efek dominasi kolonial. LIhat Eleanor Burke Leacock, “Women’s Status in Egalitarian Society,” Current Anthropology 19 (1978); dan Myths of Male Dominance (Monthly Review Press: New York, 1981). Lihat juga “Powerful Women and the Myth of Male Dominance in Aztec Society,”  karya S. dan G. Cafferty Archaeology from Cambridge 7 (1988).
7. Joan Gero dan Margaret W. Conkey, eds., Engendering Archaeology (Blackwell: Cambridge MA, 1991); C.F.M. Bird, “Woman the Toolmaker,” Dalam Women in Archaeology (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies: Canberra, 1993).
8. Claude Meillasoux, Maidens, Meal and Money (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1981), p. 16.
9. Rosalind Miles, The Women’s History of the World (Michael Joseph: London, 1986), p. 16.
10. Zubeeda Banu Quraishy, “Gender Politics in the Socio-Economic Organization of Contemporary Foragers,” dalam Ian Keen dan Takako Yamada, eds., Identity and Gender in Hunting and Gathering Societies (National Museum of Ethnology: Osaka, 2000), p. 196.
11. Jane Flax, “Political Philosophy and the Patriarchal Unconscious, ” dalam Sandra Harding adan Merrill B. Hintikka, eds., Discovering Reality (Reidel: Dortrecht, 1983), pp 269-270.
12. LIhat Patricia Elliott, From Mastery to Analysis: Theories of Gender in Psychoanalytic Feminism (Cornell University Press: Ithaca, 1991), e.g. p. 105.
13. Alain Testart, “Aboriginal Social Inequality and Reciprocity, ” Oceania 60 (1989), p. 5.
14. Salvatore Cucchiari, “The Gender Revolution and the Transition from Bisexual Horde to Patrilocal Band,” dalam , Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge UK, 1984), karya Sherry B. Ortner dan Harriet Whitehead hal. 36. Essay ini sangatlah penting.
15. Olga Soffer, “Social Transformations at the Middle to Upper Paleolithic Transition,” dalam Replacement: Controversies in Homo Sapiens Evolution (A.A. Balkema: Rotterdam 1992) karya Günter Brauer dan Fred H. Smith, hal. 254.
16. Juliet Mitchell, Women: The Longest Revolution (Virago Press: London, 1984), hal. 83.
17. Cucchiari, op.cit., hal. 62.
18. Robert Briffault, The Mothers: the Matriarchal Theory of Social Origins (Macmillan: New York, 1931), hal. 159.
19. Theodore Lidz and Ruth Williams Lidz, Oedipus in the Stone Age (International Universities Press: Madison CT, 1988), hal. 123.
20. Elena G. Fedorova, “The Role of Women in Mansi Society,” in Peter P. Schweitzer, Dalam Hunters and Gatherers in the Modern World (Berghahn Books: New York, 2000), karya Megan Biesele dan Robert K. Hitchhock, hal. 396.
21. Steven Harrall, Human Families (Westview Press: Boulder CO, 1997), hal. 89. “Contoh-contoh hubungan antar ritual dan ketidaksetaraan di dalam masyarakat forager tersebar luas,” menurut Stephan Shennan di “Social Inequality and the Transmission of Cultural Traditions in Forager Societies,” karya Steele and Shennan, op.cit., hal. 369.
22. Gayle Rubin, “The Traffic in Women,” Toward an Anthropology of Women (Monthly Review Press: New York, 1979), hal. 176.
23. Meillasoux, op.cit., hal 20-21.
24. Disebut oleh Indra Munshi, “Women and Forest: A Study of the Warlis of Western India,” dalam Gender Relations in Forest Societies in Asia: Patriarchy at Odds (Sage: New Delhi, 2003), karya Govind Kelkar, Dev Nathan dan Pierre Walter, hal. 268.
25. Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Beacon Press: Boston, 1991), hal 99, 143.
26. The production of maize, one of North America’s contributions to domestication, “had a tremendous effect on women’s work and women’s health.” Women’s status “was definitely subordinate to that of males in most of the horticultural societies of [what is now] the eastern United States” by the time of first European contact. The reference is from Karen Olsen Bruhns and Karen E. Stothert, Women in Ancient America (University of Oklahoma Press: Norman, 1999), p. 88. Also, for example, Gilda A. Morelli, “Growing Up Female in a Farmer Community and a Forager Community,” in Mary Ellen Mabeck, Alison Galloway and Adrienne Zihlman, eds., The Evolving Female (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1997): “Young Efe [Zaire] forager children are growing up in a community where the relationship between men and women is far more egalitarian than is the relationship between farmer men and women” (p. 219). See also Catherine Panter- Brick and Tessa M. Pollard, “Work and Hormonal Variation in Subsistence and Industrial Contexts,” in C. Panter-Brick and C.M. Worthman, eds., Hormones, Health, and Behavior (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1999), in terms of how much more work is done, compared to men, by women who farm vs. those who forage.
27. The Etoro people of Papua New Guinea have a very similar myth in which Nowali, known for her hunting prowess, bears responsibility for the Etoros’ fall from a state of well-being. Raymond C. Kelly, Constructing Inequality (University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor, 1993), p. 524.
28. Jacques Cauvin, The Birth of the Gods and the Origins of Nature (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2000), p. 133.
29. Carol A. Stabile, Feminism and the Technological Fix (Manchester University Press: Manchester, 1994), p. 5.
30. Carla Freeman, “Is Local:Global as Feminine:Masculine? Rethinking the Gender of Globalization, ” Signs 26 (2001).
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Senin, 28 Desember 2009


Homi K. Bhabha

Homi K. Bhabha (born 1949) is an Indian postcolonial theorist. He currently teaches at Harvard University where he is the Anne F. Rothenberg Professor of English and American Literature and Language and Director of the Humanities Center.

Early life

Bhabha was born into a Parsi family from Mumbai, India. He is an alumnus of St. Mary's High School (ISC,1967-68), Mazagoan, Mumbai . He graduated with a B.A. from Elphinstone College at the University of Mumbai (formerly University of Bombay) and a M.A. and D.Phil. in English Literature from Christ Church, Oxford University.

Career

After lecturing in the Department of English at the University of Sussex for more than ten years, Bhabha received a senior fellowship at Princeton University where he was also made Old Dominion Visiting Professor. He was Steinberg Visiting Professor at the University of Pennsylvania where he delivered the Richard Wright Lecture Series. At Dartmouth College, Bhabha was a faculty fellow at the School of Criticism and Theory. From 1997 to 2001 he served as Chester D. Tripp Professor in the Humanities at the University of Chicago. In 2001-02, he served as a Distinguished Visiting Professor at University College, London. He has been the Anne F. Rothenberg Professor of English and American Literature and Language at Harvard University since 2001. Bhabha also serves on the Editorial Collective of Public Culture, an academic journal published by Duke University Press.

Influences

Bhabha's work in postcolonial theory owes much to poststructuralism. Notable among Bhabha's influences include Jacques Derrida and deconstruction; Jacques Lacan and Lacanian psychoanalysis; and the works of Michel Foucault.[1][2] Additionally, in a 1995 interview with W.J.T. Mitchell, Bhabha stated that Edward Said is the writer who has most influenced his thought.[1]

Works

Nation and Narration (editor 1990)

In Nation and Narration, Bhabha challenges the tendency to treat post-colonial countries as a homogeneous block. This leads, he argues, to the assumption that there is and was a shared identity amongst ex-colonial states. Bhabha argues that all senses of nationhood are narrativized.
Bhabha then goes on to identify a relationship of antagonism and ambivalence between colonizers and the colonized.

The Location of Culture (1994)

In The Location of Culture, Bhabha advocates a fundamental realignment of the methodology of cultural analysis in the West away from metaphysics and toward the "performative" and "enunciatory present"[3] Such a shift, he claims, provides a basis for the West to maintain less violent relationships with other cultures. In Bhabha's view, the source of the Western compulsion to colonize is due in large part to traditional Western representations of foreign cultures.
Bhabha's argument attacks the Western production and implementation of certain binary oppositions. The oppositions targeted by Bhabha include center/margin, civilized/savage, First/ Third worlds, West/East, North/South, capital/labour and enlightened/ignorant. Bhabha proceeds by destabilizing the binaries insofar as the first term of the binary is allowed to unthinkingly dominate the second.
Once the binaries are destabilized, Bhabha argues that cultures can be understood to interact, transgress, and transform each other in a much more complex manner than the traditional binary oppositions can allow. According to Bhabha, hybridity and "linguistic multivocality" have the potential to intervene and dislocate the process of colonization through the reinterpretation of political discourse.

Selected works

Books by Bhabha

Books edited by Bhabha

  • (1990) Nation and Narration (editor) ISBN 0-415-01483-2
  • (2005) Edward Said Continuing the Conversation, co-ed. with W.J.T. Mitchell (originally an issue of Critical Inquiry) ISBN 0-226-53203-8

Journal issue co-edited by Bhabha

  • (2000) "Cosmopolitanisms" in Public Culture 12.3, eds Sheldon I. Pollock, Homi K. Bhabha, Carol Breckenridge, Arjun Appadurai, & Dipesh Chakrabarty.

Journal articles & book chapters

  • (1993) In a Spirit of Calm Violence
  • (1998) Modernity, Culture, and The Jew, eds Laura Marcus & Bryan Cheyette
  • (2000) On Cultural Choice
  • (2001) V.S. Naipaul
  • (2002) Democracy De-Realized
  • (2003) On Writing Rights
  • (2003) Making Difference: The Legacy of the Culture Wars
  • (2004) Adagio
  • (2004) Still Life
  • (2004) 'Foreword' to The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon, transl. Richard Philcox
  • (2005) Framing Fanon
  • (2006) Without Boundary, with Fereshteh Daftari & Orhan Pamuk
  • (2006) The Black Savant and the Dark Princess

See also

External links

Academic homepages and profiles

Articles

Edward Said

Edward Saïd

Edward Wadie Said
Full name
Edward Saïd
Born
November 1, 1935(1935-11-01)
Jerusalem, British Mandate of Palestine
Died
September 25, 2003 (aged 67)
New York City, New York, United States
Era
20th-century philosophy
Region
Western Philosophy
School
Postcolonialism, Postmodernism
Notable ideas
Orientalism
"The Other"
Edward Wadie Saïd (pronounced /'edwərd wædiːʕ sæʕiːd/ Arabic: إدوارد وديع سعيد‎, Idwārd Wadīʿ Saʿīd; 1 November 1935 – 25 September 2003) was a Palestinian American literary theorist, cultural critic, and advocate for Palestinian rights. He was University Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University and a founding figure in postcolonialism.[1] Robert Fisk described him as the Palestinians' "most powerful political voice."[2]

Contents



Early life



Edward Said and sister, Rosemarie 1940
Said was born in Jerusalem[3] (then in the British Mandate of Palestine) on November 1, 1935. His father, a US citizen with Protestant Palestinian origins, was a businessman and had served under General Pershing in World War I. He moved to Cairo in the decade before Edward's birth. His mother was born in Nazareth, also of Protestant[4] Christian Palestinian descent.[5] His sister was the historian and writer Rosemarie Said Zahlan.
Due to his family's Christian background and his upbringing in predominantly Muslim Middle Eastern countries, Said once referred to himself as a "Christian wrapped in a Muslim culture":
With an unexceptionally Arab family name like Said connected to an improbably British first name (my mother much admired the Prince of Wales in 1935, the year of my birth), I was an uncomfortably anomalous student all through my early years: a Palestinian going to school in Egypt, with an English first name, an American passport and no certain identity at all.[6]
According to his autobiographical memoir, Out of Place,[6] Said lived "between worlds" in both Cairo and Jerusalem until age 12.[note 1] He attended the Anglican St. George's Academy in 1947 in Jerusalem. As the Arab League declared war on Israel in 1947/1948, his family moved from the neighborhood of Talbiya in Jerusalem and returned to Cairo. In a London Review of Books article Said gave a more detailed account of his upbringing.
I was born in Jerusalem and had spent most of my formative years there and, after 1948, when my entire family became refugees, in Egypt. All my early education had, however, been in élite colonial schools, English public schools designed by the British to bring up a generation of Arabs with natural ties to Britain. The last one I went to before I left the Middle East to go to the United States was Victoria College in Alexandria, a school in effect created to educate those ruling-class Arabs and Levantines who were going to take over after the British left. My contemporaries and classmates included King Hussein of Jordan, several Jordanian, Egyptian, Syrian and Saudi boys who were to become ministers, prime ministers and leading businessmen, as well as such glamorous figures as Michel Shalhoub, head prefect of the school and chief tormentor when I was a relatively junior boy, whom everyone has seen on screen as Omar Sharif.[6]
In 1951, Said was expelled from Victoria College for being a "troublemaker",[6] and was consequently sent by his parents to Mount Hermon School, a private college preparatory school in Massachusetts, where he recalls a "miserable" year of feeling "out of place".[6] Said later reflected that the decision to send him so far away was heavily influenced by 'the prospects of deracinated people like us being so uncertain that it would be best to send me as far away as possible'.[6] Despite this dissonance, Said did well at the Massachusetts boarding school often 'achieving the rank of either first or second in a class of about a hundred and sixty'.[6]
Fluent in English, French, and Arabic,[7] Said earned a Bachelor of Arts, summa cum laude (1957) from Princeton University and a Master of Arts (1960) and a Ph.D. (1964) from Harvard University.

Career

In 1963, Said joined the faculty of Columbia University, and served as a professor in the departments of English and Comparative Literature until his death in 2003.[8] In 1974 he was Visiting Professor of Comparative Literature at Harvard, in 1975-6 Fellow of the Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Science at Stanford, and in 1977, Said became the Parr Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia and subsequently became the Old Dominion Foundation Professor in the Humanities. In 1979, Said was Visiting Professor of Humanities at Johns Hopkins University.[9] Professor Said also taught at Yale University.[10] In 1992, he attained the rank of University Professor, Columbia's highest academic position.
Said's writing regularly appeared in The Nation, The Guardian, the London Review of Books, Le Monde Diplomatique, Counterpunch, Al Ahram, and the pan-Arab daily al-Hayat. He gave interviews alongside fellow political activist, and colleague Noam Chomsky regarding US foreign policy for various independent radio programs.
Said also served as president of the Modern Language Association, editor of the Arab Studies Quarterly,[11] and was a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the executive board of PEN, the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Royal Society of Literature, the Council of Foreign Relations,[12] and the American Philosophical Society. Said was the recipient of twenty honorary degrees from universities around the world,[13] as well as of Harvard University's Bowdoin Prize, the Lionel Trilling Award (twice), the Wellek Prize of the American Comparative Literature Association, and the inaugural Spinoza Lens Award,[14] among others.
For many years, Said, who was also an accomplished musician and pianist,[15] wrote a music criticism column for The Nation.
In 1999, he jointly founded the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra with the Argentine-Israeli conductor Daniel Barenboim. The award-winning youth orchestra is made up of musicians from Israel, Palestine, and the surrounding Arab countries, and has performed internationally, including within both Israel and Palestine.
The Barenboim-Said Foundation, based in Seville and financed by the Junta de Andalucía (Regional Government of Andalusia), which Said and Barenboim had worked together to establish, was officially constituted in 2004. The purpose of the Foundation is to develop several "education through music" projects. In addition to managing the orchestra, the Barenboim-Said Foundation assists with other projects such as the Academy of Orchestral Studies, the Musical Education in Palestine project and the Early Childhood Musical Education Project in Seville.[16]

Orientalism

Said is best known for describing and critiquing "Orientalism", which he perceived as a constellation of false assumptions underlying Western attitudes toward the East. In Orientalism (1978), Said claimed a "subtle and persistent Eurocentric prejudice against Arabo-Islamic peoples and their culture."[17] He argued that a long tradition of false and romanticized images of Asia and the Middle East in Western culture had served as an implicit justification for Europe and the US' colonial and imperial ambitions. Just as fiercely, he denounced the practice of Arab elites who internalized the US and British orientalists' ideas of Arabic culture.
In 1980, Said criticized what he regarded as poor understanding of the Arab culture in the West:

So far as the United States seems to be concerned, it is only a slight overstatement to say that Moslems and Arabs are essentially seen as either oil suppliers or potential terrorists. Very little of the detail, the human density, the passion of Arab-Moslem life has entered the awareness of even those people whose profession it is to report the Arab world. What we have instead is a series of crude, essentialized caricatures of the Islamic world presented in such a way as to make that world vulnerable to military aggression.


Main argument

Said asserts that much western study of Islamic civilization was political intellectualism bent on self-affirmation rather than objective study,[19] a form of racism, and a tool of imperialist domination.[20] Orientalism had an impact on the fields of literary theory, cultural studies and human geography, and to a lesser extent on those of history and oriental studies. Taking his cue from the work of Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault, and from earlier critics of western Orientalism such as A. L. Tibawi,[21] Anouar Abdel-Malek,[22] Maxime Rodinson,[23] and Richard William Southern,[24] Said argued that Western writings on the Orient, and the perceptions of the East purveyed in them, are suspect, and cannot be taken at face value. According to Said, the history of European colonial rule and political domination over the East distorts the writings of even the most knowledgeable, well-meaning and sympathetic Western ‘Orientalists’ (a term that he transformed into a pejorative):

I doubt if it is controversial, for example, to say that an Englishman in India or Egypt in the later nineteenth century took an interest in those countries which was never far from their status in his mind as British colonies. To say this may seem quite different from saying that all academic knowledge about India and Egypt is somehow tinged and impressed with, violated by, the gross political fact – and yet that is what I am saying in this study of Orientalism.

Orientalism 11
Said argued that the West had dominated the East for more than 2,000 years, since the composition of The Persians by Aeschylus. Europe had dominated Asia politically so completely for so long that even the most outwardly objective Western texts on the East were permeated with a bias that even most Western scholars could not recognize. His contention was not only that the West has conquered the East politically but also that Western scholars have appropriated the exploration and interpretation of the Orient’s languages, history and culture for themselves. They have written Asia’s past and constructed its modern identities from a perspective that takes Europe as the norm, from which the "exotic", "inscrutable" Orient deviates.
Said concludes that Western writings about the Orient depict it as an irrational, weak, feminised "Other", contrasted with the rational, strong, masculine West, a contrast he suggests derives from the need to create "difference" between West and East that can be attributed to immutable "essences" in the Oriental make-up. In 1978, when the book was first published, with memories of the Yom Kippur war and the OPEC crisis still fresh, Said argued that these attitudes still permeated the Western media and academia. After stating the central thesis, Orientalism consists mainly of supporting examples from Western texts.

Criticism

Orientalism and other works by Said have sparked a wide variety of controversy and criticism.[25] Ernest Gellner argued that Said's contention that the West had dominated the East for more than 2,000 years was unsupportable, noting that until the late 17th century the Ottoman Empire had posed a serious threat to Europe.[26] Mark Proudman notes that Said had claimed that the British Empire extended from Egypt to India in the 1880s, when in fact the Ottoman and Persian Empires intervened.[27] Others argued out that even at the height of the imperial era, European power in the East was never absolute, and remained heavily dependent on local collaborators, who were frequently subversive of imperial aims.[28] Another criticism is that the areas of the Middle East on which Said had concentrated, including Palestine and Egypt, were poor examples for his theory, as they came under direct European control only for a relatively short period in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These critics suggested that Said devoted much less attention to more apt examples, including the British Raj in India, and Russia’s dominions in Asia, because Said was more interested in making political points about the Middle East.[29]
Strong criticism of Said's critique of Orientalism has come from academic Orientalists, including some of Eastern backgrounds. Albert Hourani, Robert Graham Irwin, Nikki Keddie, Bernard Lewis,[30] and Kanan Makiya address what Keddie retrospectively calls "some unfortunate consequences" of Said's Orientalism on the perception and status of their scholarship.[note 2] Bernard Lewis in particular was often at odds with Said following the publication of Orientalism, in which Said singled out Lewis as a "perfect exemplification" of an "Establishment Orientalist" whose work "purports to be objective liberal scholarship but is in reality very close to being propaganda against his subject material".[31] Lewis answered with several essays in response, and was joined by other scholars, such as Maxime Rodinson, Jacques Berque, Malcolm Kerr, Aijaz Ahmad, and William Montgomery Watt, who also regarded Orientalism as a deeply flawed account of Western scholarship.[32]
Some of Said's academic critics argue that Said made no attempt to distinguish between writers of very different types: such as on the one hand the poet Goethe (who never travelled in the East), the novelist Flaubert (who briefly toured Egypt), Ernest Renan (whose work is widely regarded as tainted by racism), and on the other scholars such as Edward William Lane who was fluent in Arabic. According to these critics, their common European origins and attitudes overrode such considerations in Said's mind; Said constructed a stereotype of Europeans.[33] Irwin writes that Said ignored the domination of 19th century Oriental studies by Germans and Hungarians, from countries that did not possess an Eastern empire.[34]
Such critics accuse Said of creating a monolithic ‘Occidentalism’ to oppose to the ‘Orientalism’ of Western discourse, arguing that he failed to distinguish between the paradigms of Romanticism and the Enlightenment; that he ignored the widespread and fundamental differences of opinion among western scholars of the Orient; that he failed to acknowledge that many Orientalists (such as William Jones) were more concerned with establishing kinship between East and West than with creating "difference", and who had often made discoveries that would provide the foundations for anti-colonial nationalism.[35] More generally, critics argue that Said and his followers fail to distinguish between Orientalism in the media and popular culture (for instance the portrayal of the Orient in such films as Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom) and academic studies of Oriental languages, literature, history and culture by Western scholars (whom, it is argued, they tar with the same brush).[36]
Said's critics argue that by making ethnicity and cultural background the test of authority and objectivity in studying the Orient, Said drew attention to the question of his own identity as a Palestinian and as a "Subaltern". Given Said's largely Anglophone upbringing and education at an elite school in Cairo, the fact that he spent most of his adult life in the United States, and his prominent position in American academia, his own arguments that "any and all representations … are embedded first in the language and then in the culture, institutions and political ambience of the representer … [and are] interwoven with a great many other things besides the 'truth', which is itself a representation" [37] could be said to disenfranchise him from writing about the Orient himself. Hence these critics claim that the excessive relativism of Said and his followers trap them in a "web of solipsism",[38] unable to talk of anything but "representations", and denying the existence of any objective truth.

Supporters and influence

Said’s supporters argue that such criticisms, even if correct, do not invalidate his basic thesis, which they say still holds true for the 19th and 20th centuries and in particular for general representations of the Orient in Western media, literature and film.[39] His supporters point out that Said himself acknowledges limitations of his study's failing to address German scholarship [40] and that, in the "Afterword" to the 1995 edition of Orientalism, he, in their view, convincingly refutes his critics, such as Lewis.[41] Orientalism is regarded as central to the postcolonial movement, encouraging scholars "from non-western countries...to take advantage of the mood of political correctness it helped to engender by associating themselves with 'narratives of oppression,' creating successful careers out of transmitting, interpreting and debating representations of the non-western 'other.'"[42]
Said's continuing importance in the fields of literary criticism and cultural studies is represented by his influence on scholars studying India, such as Gyan Prakash,[43] Nicholas Dirks,[44] and Ronald Inden,[45] and literary theorists such as Hamid Dabashi, Homi Bhabha[46] and Gayatri Spivak.[47] His work continues to be widely discussed in academic seminars, disciplinary conferences, and scholarship.[48]
Both supporters and critics of Edward Said acknowledge the profound, transformative influence that his book Orientalism has had across the spectrum of the humanities. But whereas his critics regret his influence as limiting, his supporters praise his influence as liberating.[49] Postcolonial theory, of which Said is regarded as a founder and a figure of continual relevance,[1] continues to attract interest and is a thriving field in the humanities.[50] Orientalism continues to profoundly inform the field of Middle Eastern studies.[48] He was a prominent public intellectual in the United States, praised widely as an "intellectual superstar," engaging in music criticism, public lectures, media punditry, contemporary politics, and musical performance.[42] His breadth of influence is regarded as "genuinely global," resting on his unique and innovative blend of cultural criticism, politics, and literary theory.[48]

Criticism of US foreign policy

In a 1997 revised edition of his book Covering Islam, Said criticized what he viewed as the biased reporting of the Western press and, in particular, media “speculations about the latest conspiracy to blow up buildings, sabotage commercial airliners, and poison water supplies.”[51]
Said opposed many US foreign policy endeavors in the Middle East. During an April 2003 interview with Al-Ahram Weekly, Said argued that the Iraq war was ill-conceived:

My strong opinion, though I don't have any proof in the classical sense of the word, is that they want to change the entire Middle East and the Arab world, perhaps terminate some countries, destroy the so-called terrorist groups they dislike and install regimes friendly to the United States. I think this is a dream that has very little basis in reality. The knowledge they have of the Middle East, to judge from the people who advise them, is to say the least out of date and widely speculative.... I don't think the planning for the post-Saddam, post-war period in Iraq is very sophisticated, and there's very little of it. US Undersecretary of State Marc Grossman and US Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith testified in Congress about a month ago and seemed to have no figures and no ideas what structures they were going to deploy; they had no idea about the use of institutions that exist, although they want to de-Ba'thise the higher echelons and keep the rest.
The same is true about their views of the army. They certainly have no use for the Iraqi opposition that they've been spending many millions of dollars on. And to the best of my ability to judge, they are going to improvise. Of course the model is Afghanistan. I think they hope that the UN will come in and do something, but given the recent French and Russian positions I doubt that that will happen with such simplicity.[52]

Pro-Palestinian activism

Throughout his adult life, Said involved himself in the struggle on behalf of the rights of Palestinians. From 1977 until 1991, he was an independent member of the Palestinian National Council.[53]
Said was an early proponent of a two-state solution and, in 1988, voted for the establishment of the State of Palestine at a Palestinian National Council meeting in Algiers. In 1991, he quit the PNC in protest over the process leading up to the signing of the Oslo Accords, feeling that the terms of the accord were unacceptable and had been rejected by the Madrid round negotiators. He felt that Oslo would not lead to a truly independent state and was inferior to a plan Yasir Arafat had rejected when Said himself presented it to Arafat on behalf of the US government in the late 1970s. In particular, he wrote that Arafat had sold short the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes in pre-1967 Israel and ignored the growing presence of Israeli settlements. Said's relationship with the Palestinian Authority was once so bad that PA leaders banned the sale of his books in August 1995, but improved when he hailed Arafat for rejecting Ehud Barak's offers at the Camp David 2000 Summit.
In an article entitled Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims, he argued that both the Zionist claim to a land - and, more importantly, the Zionist claim that the Jewish people needed a homeland - and Palestinian rights of self-determination held legitimacy and authenticity. Said's books on the issue of Israel and Palestine include The Question of Palestine (1979), The Politics of Dispossession (1994) and The End of the Peace Process (2000).

[I]n all my works I remained fundamentally critical of a gloating and uncritical nationalism.... My view of Palestine ... remains the same today: I expressed all sorts of reservations about the insouciant nativism and militant militarism of the nationalist consensus; I suggested instead a critical look at the Arab environment, Palestinian history, and the Israeli realities, with the explicit conclusion that only a negotiated settlement between the two communities of suffering, Arab and Jewish, would provide respite from the unending war.[54]



Edward Said throwing a stone across the Lebanon-Israel border.
A photograph taken on July 3, 2000, of Said in South Lebanon throwing a stone across the Lebanon-Israel border drew criticism from some political and media commentators, some of whom decried the act as "terrorist sympathizing."[55]. Said explained the act as a stone-throwing contest with his son, and called it a symbolic gesture of joy at the end of Israel's occupation of Lebanon. "It was a pebble. There was nobody there. The guardhouse was at least half a mile away."[56] Although he denied aiming the rock at anyone, an eyewitness account in the Lebanese newspaper As-Safir asserted that Said had been less than 30 feet (9.1 m) from Israeli soldiers manning a two-story watchtower when he aimed the rock over the border fence, though it instead hit barbed-wire.[57]
While the photo provoked criticism from some Columbia University faculty members, some students, and from the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, the Columbia provost issued a five-page letter defending Said's act on the grounds of freedom of expression:
To my knowledge, the stone was directed at no one; no law was broken; no indictment was made; no criminal or civil action has been taken against Professor Said."[58]
Said noted that there were repercussions, however, giving for an example when, in February of 2001, the Freud Society of Vienna cancelled an invitation for him to give a lecture.[59] The president cited as the Society's reason "the political situation in the Middle East and its consequences," going on to explain that anti-Semitism "has become more dangerous" in Austrian politics and that the Society had decided on the cancellation "to avoid an internal clash."[60]
In Culture and Resistance (2003), Said likened his situation to that of Noam Chomsky: "It's very similar to him. He's a well known, great linguist. He's been celebrated and honored for that. But he's also vilified as an anti-Semite and a Hitler worshiper." Said went on to explain:
"For anyone to deny the horrendous experience of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust is unacceptable. We don't want anybody's history of suffering to go unrecorded and unacknowledged. On the other hand, there's a great difference between acknowledging Jewish oppression and using that as a cover for the oppression of another people."[61]
In 2003, Said, along with Haidar Abdel-Shafi, Ibrahim Dakak, and Mustafa Barghouti, helped establish the Palestinian National Initiative, or Al-Mubadara, an attempt to build a third force in Palestinian politics, a democratic, reformist alternative to Fatah and Hamas.
In January 2006, anthropologist David Price obtained 147 pages of Said's 238-page FBI file through a Freedom of Information Act request. The records reveal that Said was under FBI surveillance as early as 1971. No records were available on the last dozen years of his life.[62]

Death and tributes



An al-Mubadara memorial poster of Edward Said on the Israeli West Bank wall.
Edward Said died at age 67 in the early morning of September 25, 2003, in New York City, after a decade-long battle with chronic lymphocytic leukemia.[63] He was survived by his wife, Mariam (Cortas); a son, Wadie, and a daughter, Najla.[64]
Subsequently, several prominent writers published elegies for Said, including Alexander Cockburn[65], Christopher Hitchens,[66] Tony Judt,[67] and Tariq Ali.[68]
In November 2004, Birzeit University renamed its music school as the Edward Said National Conservatory of Music in Said's honor.[69]
In 2008, Verso Books published Waiting for the Barbarians: A Tribute to Edward W. Said, a book of essays by 15 authors, including Akeel Bilgrami, Rashid Khalidi and Elias Khoury. The book was edited by Müge Gürsoy Sökmen and Bașak Ertür.

Edward Said Memorial Lectures

Since Said's death in 2003, several institutions have instituted annual lecture series in his memory.
Columbia University:
University of Warwick:
Princeton University:
  • 2004 Mustafa Barghouti: Prospects for Peace: The Vital Role of Civil Society in Bringing Democracy, Justice, and Prosperity to Palestine and Israel[80]
  • 2005 Judith Butler: Forgotten Histories of Post-Zionism: Universalism, Judaism, and the Messianic[81]
  • 2006 Azmi Bishara: War, Occupation and Democracy: US Strategy in the Middle East[82]
  • 2007 Tanya Reinhart: The Spirit of Struggle[83]
  • 2008 Karen AbuZayd: Palestine Refugees: Exile, Isolation and Prospects[84]
  • 2009 Amira Hass: One Occupation, Two Governments:The Onslaught On Gaza And The Palestinian Internal Rift[85]
University of Adelaide:
American University of Cairo:
  • 2005 David Damrosch: Secular Criticism Meets the World: The Challenge of World Literature Today[91]
  • 2006 Barbara Harlow: Resistance literature revisited: From Basra to Guantànamo[92]
  • 2007 Cornell West: The Vocation of a Democratic Individual[93]
  • 2008 Terry Eagleton: Terror and Tragedy[94]
  • 2009 Rokus de Groot: Contrapuntal Intellectual: Edward Said and Music[95]
Palestine Center:

Bibliography

Publications
Year
Book
Notes
Publisher
1966
Joseph Conrad and the Fiction of Autobiography

Harvard University Press. Republished by Columbia University Press in 2007, ISBN 0-231-14004-5
1973
The Arabs Today: Alternatives for Tomorrow
Essays presented at the fourth annual convention of the Association of Arab-American University Graduates, Boston, 1971. Edited by Said and Fuad Suleiman.
Forum Associates (Columbus, Ohio)
1975
Beginnings: Intention and Method

Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-00580-2. Reprinted by Johns Hopkins University Press in 1978, ISBN 0-801-82085-5. New edition published by Columbia University Press in 1985, ISBN 0-231-05937-X
1978
Orientalism

Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-394-42814-5. Republished by Vintage Books in 1979, ISBN 0-394-74067-X. 25th Anniversary Edition published by Penguin Classics in 2003, with 1995 afterword, ISBN 0-141-18742-5
1979
The Question of Palestine

Times Books, ISBN 0-812-90832-5. Republished by Vintage Books in 1980, ISBN 0-394-74527-2. Republished, with a new introduction and epilogue, by Vintage Books in 1992, ISBN 0-679-73988-2
1980
Literature and Society
Edited, with preface, by Said
Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 0-801-82294-7
The Middle East: What Chances For Peace?
Edited by François Sauzey. Contributions by Joseph J. Sisco, Shlomo Avineri, Said, Saburo Okita, Udo Steinbach, William Scranton, Abdel Hamid Abdel-Ghani and H.R.H. Prince Saud al-Faisal
Issue number 24 of the Trialogue series. Published by the Trilateral Commission OCLC 271040449 [3]
1981
Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World

Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-394-50923-4, ISBN 0-394-74808-5 (paperback). Revised edition published by Vintage Books in 1997, ISBN 0-679-75890-9
1983
The World, the Text, and the Critic

Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-96186-2
1986
After the Last Sky: Palestinian Lives
With photographs by Jean Mohr.
Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-394-54413-7, ISBN 0-394-74469-1 (paperback). Faber and Faber, ISBN 0-571-13683-4. Republished by Columbia University Press in 1999, ISBN 0-231-11449-4 (paperback)
1987
Criticism in Society
Interviews with Jacques Derrida, Northrop Frye, Harold Bloom, Geoffrey Hartman, Frank Kermode, Said, Barbara Johnson, Frank Lentricchia, and J. Hillis Miller. Compiled by Imre Salusinszky.
Taylor & Francis, ISBN 0416922708
1988
Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question
Edited by Said and Christopher Hitchens
Verso Books, ISBN 0-860-91175-6, ISBN 0-860-91887-4 (paperback)
Nationalism, Colonialism, and Literature: Yeats and Decolonization

Field Day (Derry, Northern Ireland), ISBN 0-946-75516-7
1989
Kim by Rudyard Kipling
Edited with an introduction and notes by Said
Penguin Books, ISBN 0-140-18352-3
1990
Nationalism, Colonialism, and Literature
Reprint of Said's "Yeats and decolonization" with essays by Terry Eagleton, Fredric Jameson, and an introduction by Seamus Deane
University of Minnesota Press, ISBN 0-816-61862-3, ISBN 0-816-61863-1 (paperback)
1991
Musical Elaborations

Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-07318-6
1993
Napoleon in Egypt: Al-Jabartî's Chronicle of the First Seven Months of the French Occupation, 1798 translated by Smuel Moreh
Includes "The scope of orientalism" by Said
M. Wiener Publishers (Princeton, New Jersey), ISBN 1-558-76069-5, ISBN 1-558-76070-9 (paperback)
Culture and Imperialism

Knopf, distributed by Random House, ISBN 0-394-58738-3. Republished by Vintage Books in 1994, ISBN 0-679-75054-1
Edward Said: A Critical Reader
Edited by Michael Sprinker
Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 1-557-86229-X
1994
The Pen and the Sword: Conversations with David Barsamian

Common Courage Press (Monroe, Maine), ISBN 1-567-51031-0, ISBN 1-567-51030-2 (paperback)
The Politics of Dispossession: The Struggle for Palestinian Self-Determination, 1969-1994

Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-679-43057-1
Representations of the Intellectual: The 1993 Reith lectures

Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-679-43586-7
1995
Peace and Its Discontents: Essays on Palestine in the Middle East Peace Process
Preface by Christopher Hitchens
Vintage Books, ISBN 0-679-76725-8
1999
Acts of Aggression: Policing Rogue States
Collection by Noam Chomsky, Said and Ramsey Clark
Seven Stories Press and Turnaround Publisher Services (London), ISBN 1-583-22005-4
Out of Place: A Memoir
Winner of the 1999 New Yorker Prize for non-fiction.[98]
Knopf, ISBN 0-394-58739-1
Complete Stories, 1884-1891 by Henry James
Edited by Said
Library of America, ISBN 1-883-01164-7
2000
Mona Hatoum: The Entire World as a Foreign Land
Essays by Said and Sheena Wagstaff
Tate Gallery Publishing (London, England), ISBN 1-854-37326-9
The Edward Said Reader
Edited by Moustafa Bayoumi and Andrew Rubin
Vintage Books, ISBN 0-375-70936-3
The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After

Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-375-40930-0. Republished by Vintage Books in 2001, ISBN 0-375-72574-1
Reflections on Exile and Other Essays

Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-00302-0
2001
Power, Politics, and Culture: Interviews with Edward W. Said
Edited and with an introduction by Gauri Viswanathan
Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-375-42107-6
2002
Parallels and Paradoxes: Explorations in Music and Society
By Daniel Barenboim and Said. Edited, with a preface, by Ara Guzelimian.
Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-375-42106-8. Republished by Vintage Books in 2004, ISBN 1-400-07515-7
Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years by Israël Shahak
Foreword to the second printing by Said
Pluto Press, ISBN 0-745-30818-X
CIA et Jihad, 1950-2001: contre l'URSS, une désastreuse alliance by John K. Cooley
Preface by Said
Autrement (Paris), ISBN 2-746-70188-X
2003
Culture and Resistance: Conversations With Edward W. Said
Interviews with Said by David Barsamian
South End Press, ISBN 0-896-08671-2, ISBN 0-896-08670-4 (paperback)
Freud and the Non-European
With an introduction by Christopher Bollas and a response by Jacqueline Rose.
Verso Books, ISBN 1-859-84500-2
2004
From Oslo to Iraq and the Road Map
Foreword by Tony Judt, afterword by Wadie E. Said.
Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-375-42287-0
Humanism and Democratic Criticism. http://books.google.com/books?id=i9UalVoa5_YC&dq. 

Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-12264-0
Interviews With Edward W. Said
Edited by Amritjit Singh and Bruce G. Johnson.
University Press of Mississippi, ISBN 1-578-06365-5, ISBN 1-578-06366-3 (paperback)
2005
Edward Said: Continuing the Conversation
Edited by Homi Bhabha and W.J.T. Mitchell
University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-53201-1, ISBN 0-226-53203-8 (paperback)
2006
Paradoxical Citizenship: Edward Said
Edited by Silvia Nagy-Zekmi
Lexington Books, ISBN 0-739-10988-5, ISBN 0-739-10988-X
On Late Style: Music and Literature Against the Grain
Foreword by Mariam C. Said, introduction by Michael Wood
Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-375-42105-X

Lectures and interviews

See also

Further reading

  • Andrew N. Rubin, ed., Humanism, Freedom, and the Critic: Edward W. Said and After. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2005.

Notes

  1. ^ One critic, Justus Weiner, asserted that Said's formative years were spent in Egypt where his family's business was located, and that Said "probably" did not attend St. George's Academy in Jerusalem, except briefly. Weiner said that cast doubt on Said's qualification to contribute to the debate over the dispossession of Arabs before Israel's founding in 1948. [1] Three journalists and one historian wrote that Weiner's claims are false. Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair of Counterpunch interviewed Haig Boyadjian, who reported telling Weiner that he had been Said's classmate at St. George's, a fact Weiner omitted mentioning.Qtd. in "Commentary: 'Scholar' Deliberately Falsified Record in Attack on Said," Counterpunch September 1, 1999, accessed February 10, 2006. In The Nation, Christopher Hitchens wrote that schoolmates and teachers confirmed Said's stay at St. George's, and quoted Said stating, in 1992, that he had spent much of his youth in Cairo. http://www.thenation.com/doc/19990920/hitchens , http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1999/aug/23/israel Amos Elon, biographer of the founders of Israel, wrote in The New York Review of Books that Weiner failed to disprove that, in the winter of 1947–48, Said "and his family sought refuge from the war outside Palestine, as did hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians at the time. The fact remains that shortly afterward the family's property in Jerusalem was confiscated. Said and his family became political refugees as the result of the Israeli government's refusal to allow them to return to the country of their birth." http://www.nybooks.com/articles/218 In reply, Weiner accused Elon of dishonesty, and Hitchens of making himself "into a poster boy for Palestine." http://www.salon.com/books/log/1999/09/10/weiner/ Said observed that the publishers of Commentary, a conservative magazine, had attacked him in three long articles and that Weiner's was the third in the series. Link to Edward Said's full reply toCommentary on his childhood. Edward Said, "Defamation, Zionist-style," Al-Ahram Weekly August 26 - Sept. 1 1999, accessed February 10, 2006. Weiner said he did not contact Said to ask about the biographical facts of Said's life that Weiner described in print. Said commented that the article about his early life was "undercut by dozens of mistakes of fact." Amritjit Singh, Interviews with Edward W. Said (Conversations With Public Intellectuals Series). (Oxford: University Press of Mississippi, 2004) 19 & 219. ISBN 1-57806-366-3.
  2. ^ Martin Kramer in his article, Said’s Splash (Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in America, Policy Papers 58 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2001). ISBN 0-944029-49-3), observes that "Fifteen years after publication of Orientalism, the UCLA historian Nikki Keddie, whose work Said had praised in Covering Islam, allowed that Orientalism was 'important and in many ways positive.' But, in an interview published in Approaches to the History of the Middle East (ed. Nancy Elizabeth Gallagher (London: Ithaca Press, 1994) 144-45), Keddie says that she also thought Said's work on Orientalism had had "unfortunate consequences." She continued:
    "I think that there has been a tendency in the Middle East field to adopt the word "orientalism" as a generalized swear-word essentially referring to people who take the "wrong" position on the Arab-Israeli dispute or to people who are judged too "conservative". It has nothing to do with whether they are good or not good in their disciplines. So "orientalism" for many people is a word that substitutes for thought and enables people to dismiss certain scholars and their works. I think that is too bad. It may not have been what Edward Said meant at all, but the term has become a kind of slogan."


References

  1. ^ a b Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West (New York & London: Routledge, 1990). ISBN 0-415-05372-2.
  2. ^ Robert Fisk, "Why bombing Ashkelon is the most tragic irony", The Independent, 30-12-08, accessed 9-1-08,
  3. ^ Hughes, Robert (1993-06-21). "Envoy to Two Cultures". Time. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,978727,00.html. Retrieved 2008-10-21. 
  4. ^ Joe Sacco (2001). Palestine. Fantagraphics. 
  5. ^ Amritjit Singh, Interviews With Edward W. Said (Oxford: UP of Mississippi, 2004) 19 & 219. ISBN 1-57806-366-3.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g 'Between Worlds' Edward Said, London Review of Books May 07 1998, accessed May 2008
  7. ^ Edward Said, Out of Place, pg. 82-83, Vintage Books, 1999.
  8. ^ http://www.lajewsforpeace.org/Bibliography.html
  9. ^ http://www.lajewsforpeace.org/Bibliography.html
  10. ^ http://www.scribd.com/search?cx=007890693382555206581%3A7fgc6et2hmk&cof=FORID%3A10&ie=UTF-8&c=&ft=&q=%22edward+said%22+%22yale%22&sa=Search
  11. ^ http://www.lajewsforpeace.org/Bibliography.html
  12. ^ http://www.lajewsforpeace.org/Bibliography.html
  13. ^ http://penatlas.org/online/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=100&Itemid=16
  14. ^ http://www.spinozalens.nl/pages/laureaten_en.htm
  15. ^ http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/516540/Edward-Said
  16. ^ Barenboim-Said, official website, 11-10-09
  17. ^ Keith Windschuttle, "Edward Said's "Orientalism revisited," The New Criterion January 17, 1999, accessed January 19, [1999].
  18. ^ Edward W. Said, "Islam Through Western Eyes," The Nation April 26, 1980, first posted online January 1, 1998, accessed December 5, 2005.
  19. ^ Said, Edward, Orientalism (Vintage Books: New York, 1979). ISBN 978-0394740676. Pg 12
  20. ^ Keith Windschuttle, "Edward Said's "Orientalism revisited," The New Criterion January 17, 1999, accessed January 19, 1999.
  21. ^ A. L. Tibawi, "English-speaking Orientalists: A Critique of Their Approach to Islam and Arab Nationalism", Islamic Quarterly 8 (1964): 25-45
  22. ^ Anouar Abdel-Malek, "L’orientalisme en crise", Diogène 44 (1963): 109-41
  23. ^ "Bilan des études mohammadiennes", Revue Historique 465.1 (1963)
  24. ^ Richard William Southern, Western views of Islam in the Middle Ages (1978; Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1962).
  25. ^ review of Robert Irwin, Dangerous Knowledge
  26. ^ Ernest Gellner, "The Mightier Pen? Edward Said and the Double Standards of Inside-out Colonialism", rev. of Culture and Imperialism, by Edward Said, Times Literary Supplement February 19, 1993: 3-4.
  27. ^ Mark F. Proudman, "Disraeli as an Orientalist: The Polemical Errors of Edward Said," Journal of the Historical Society, 5[4] December 2005, 560
  28. ^ C.A. Bayly Empire and Information (Delhi, India: Cambridge UP, 1999) 25, 143, 282.
  29. ^ Robert Irwin For Lust of Knowing: The Orientalists and Their Enemies (London: Allen Lane, 2006) 159-60, 281-2.
  30. ^ Bernard Lewis, "The Question of Orientalism", in Islam and the West (London 1993) 99–118; Robert Irwin, For Lust of Knowing: The Orientalists and Their Enemies (2003; London: Allen Lane, 2006.
  31. ^ Orientalism, pp. 315
  32. ^ Aijaz Ahmad, In Theory: Classes, Natures, Literatures (London: Verso, 1992); Malcolm Kerr, rev. of Orientalism, by Edward Said, International Jour. of Middle Eastern Studies 12 (Dec. 1980): 544-47.
  33. ^ Defending the West: A Critique of Edward Said's Orientalism / Ibn Warraq (2007) ISBN 1591024846
  34. ^ Irwin, For Lust of Knowing 8, 150–166.
  35. ^ O.P. Kejariwal, The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of India’s Past (Delhi: Oxford UP, 1988) ix-xi, 221-233.
  36. ^ Said, "Afterword" to the 1995 ed. of Orientalism 347, as cited by Irwin, For Lust of Knowing 3–8; cf. Kaizaad Navroze Kotwal, "Steven Spielberg's Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom as Virtual Reality: The Orientalist and Colonial Legacies of Gunga Din," The Film Journal no. 12 (April 2005).
  37. ^ Orientalism by Said, p. 272
  38. ^ D.A. Washbrook, "Orients and Occidents: Colonial Discourse Theory and the Historiography of the British Empire", in Historiography, vol. 5 of The Oxford History of the British Empire 607.
  39. ^ See Terry Eagleton, Rev. of For Lust of Knowing: The Orientalists and Their Enemies, by Robert Irwin (London: Penguin, 2003). ISBN 0-7139-9415-0. New Statesman Bookshop November 1, 2003.
  40. ^ Orientalism (1978), pp. 18-19
  41. ^ Orientalism (1978), pp. 329-54
  42. ^ a b Malise Ruthven, "Obituary: Edward Said", The Guardian, 26 September 2003
  43. ^ Gyan Prakash, “Writing Post-Orientalist Histories of the Third World: Perspectives from Indian Historiography,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 32.2 (1990): 383-408.
  44. ^ Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Mind (Princeton: Princeton UP, 2001).
  45. ^ Ronald Inden, Imagining India (New York: Oxford UP, 1990).
  46. ^ Homi K. Bhaba, Nation and Narration (New York & London: Routledge, Chapman & Hall, 1990).
  47. ^ Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics (London: Methuen, 1987).
  48. ^ a b c Stephen Howe, "Dangerous mind?", New Humanist, Vol. 123, November/December 2008
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  87. ^ http://www.adelaide.edu.au/esml/transcripts/2006/
  88. ^ http://www.adelaide.edu.au/esml/transcripts/2007/
  89. ^ http://www.adelaide.edu.au/esml/transcripts/2008/
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  92. ^ http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2006/819/cu4.htm
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  94. ^ http://cairocult.wordpress.com/2008/11/10/eagleton-auc/
  95. ^ http://www.aucegypt.edu/newsevents/Pages/NewsDetails.aspx?eid=352
  96. ^ http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/a/GeneratePdfAction/url/h~ttp,!!www*thejerusalemfund*org!h~t!display!ContentDetails!i!2682!pid!897/filename/Palestinians%20and%20Israelis:%20Two.pdf
  97. ^ http://www.palestinecenterblog.org/2009/10/video-imagining-israel-palestine-peace.html
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